ITALIAN NEWS - Issue # 9, September 2008

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Famous Italians

Gioacchino Rossini

Gioacchino Rossini, 1820

Gioacchino Rossini, (Ransom Humanities Research Center, The University of Texas at Austin).

Gioacchino Antonio Rossini (February 29, 1792 – November 13, 1868) was a popular Italian composer who created 39
operas as well as sacred music and chamber music. His best known works include Il Barbiere di Siviglia (The Barber of
Seville), La Cenerentola and Guglielmo Tell (William Tell).

Biography

Gioacchino Rossini, c. 1815 by Vincenzo Camuccini.

Gioacchino Antonio Rossini was born into a family of musicians in Pesaro, a town on the Adriatic coast of Italy. His father,
Giuseppe, was a horn player and inspector of slaughterhouses, his mother, Anna, was a singer and a baker's daughter.
Rossini's parents began his musical training early, and by the age of six he was playing the triangle in his father's band.

Rossini's father was sympathetic to the French Revolution and welcomed Napoleon's troops when they arrived in Northern
Italy. This became a problem when the Austrians restored the old regime in 1796. Rossini's father was sent to prison, and
his mother took him to Bologna, earning her living as a leading singer at various theatres of the Romagna region, where
she was ultimately joined by her husband. During this time, Rossini was frequently left in the care of his aging
grandmother, who was unable to effectively control the boy.

He remained at Bologna in the care of a pork butcher, while his father played the horn in the orchestras of the theatres at
which his wife sang. The boy had three years' instruction in the harpsichord from Giuseppe Prinetti of Novara, who played
the scale with two fingers only. Combined with his musical profession was his business of selling liquor, and his
propensity to fall asleep while standing; these qualities making him a fit subject for ridicule by his pupil.

Education
He was taken from Prinetti and apprenticed to a blacksmith. In Angelo Tesei he found a congenial master, and learned to
sight-read, to play accompaniments on the pianoforte, and to sing well enough to take solo parts in the church when he
was ten years of age. Important from this period are six sonatas a quattro or string sonatas composed in three days,
unusually scored for 2 violins, cello and double bass. The original scores were found in the Library of Congress in
Washington DC after World War II, dated from 1804 when the composer was twelve. Often transcribed for string orchestra,
the sonatas reveal the young composer's affinity for Haydn and Mozart, already showing signs of operatic tendencies,
punctuated by frequent rhythm changes and dominated by songlike melodies. In 1805 he appeared at the theatre of the
Commune in Ferdinando Paer's Camilla at age thirteen — his only public appearance as a singer. He was also a capable
horn player in the footsteps of his father. Around this time, he composed individual numbers to a libretto by Vincenza
Mombelli called Demetrio e Polibio, which was handed to the boy in pieces. Though it was Rossini's first opera, written
when he was thirteen or fourteen, the work was not staged until 1812.

In 1806, at the age of 14, Rossini became a cello student under Cavedagni at the Conservatorio of Bologna. In 1807 he
was admitted to the counterpoint class of Padre Stanislao Mattei (1750-1825). He learned to play the cello with ease, but
the pedantic severity of Mattei's views on counterpoint only served to drive the young composer's views toward a freer
school of composition. His insight into orchestral resources is generally ascribed not to the strict compositional rules he
learned from Mattei, but to knowledge gained independently while scoring the quartets and symphonies of Haydn and
Mozart. At Bologna he was known as "il Tedeschino" ("the Little German") on account of his devotion to Mozart.

Early Career

Gioacchino A. Rossini.

Through the friendly interposition of the Marquis Cavalli, his first opera, La cambiale di matrimonio, was produced at
Venice when he was a youth of eighteen. But two years before this he had already received the prize at the Conservatorio
of Bologna for his cantata Il pianto d'Armonia sulla morte d’Orfeo. Between 1810 and 1813, at Bologna, Rome, Venice, and
Milan, Rossini produced operas of varying success. All memory of these works is eclipsed by the enormous success of
his opera Tancredi.

The libretto was an arrangement by Gaetano Rossi of Voltaire’s tragedy Tancrède. Traces of Ferdinando Paer and Giovanni
Paisiello were undeniably present in fragments of the music. But any critical feeling on the part of the public was drowned
by appreciation of such melodies as "Di tanti palpiti... Mi rivedrai, ti rivedrò," which became so popular that the Italians
would sing it in crowds at the law courts until called upon by the judge to desist.

Rossini continued to write operas for Venice and Milan during the next few years, but their reception was tame and in
some cases unsatisfactory after the success of Tancredi. In 1815 he retired to his home at Bologna, where Domenico
Barbaia, the impresario of the Naples theatre, concluded an agreement with him by which he was to take the musical
direction of the Teatro San Carlo and the Teatro Del Fondo at Naples, composing for each of them one opera a year. His
payment was to be 200 ducats per month; he was also to receive a share from the gambling tables set in the theatre's
"ridotto", amounting to about 1000 ducats per annum. This was an extraordinarily lucrative arrangement for any
professional musician at that time.

Some older composers in Naples, notably Zingarelli and Paisiello, were inclined to intrigue against the success of the
youthful composer; but all hostility was made futile by the enthusiasm which greeted the court performance of his
Elisabetta, regina d'Inghilterra, in which Isabella Colbran, who subsequently became the composer’s wife, took a leading
part. The libretto of this opera by Giovanni Schmidt was in many of its incidents an anticipation of those presented to the
world a few years later in Sir Walter Scott’s Kenilworth. The opera was the first in which Rossini wrote the ornaments of
the airs instead of leaving them to the fancy of the singers, and also the first in which the recitativo secco was replaced
by a recitative accompanied by a string quartet.

Il Barbiere di Siviglia (The Barber of Seville)
Rossini's most famous opera was produced on February 20, 1816 at the Teatro Argentina in Rome. The libretto by Cesare
Sterbini, a version of Pierre Beaumarchais' infamous stage play Le Barbier de Séville, was the same as that already used
by Giovanni Paisiello in his own Barbiere, an opera which had enjoyed European popularity for more than a quarter of a
century. Much is made of how fast Rossini's opera was written, scholarship generally agreeing upon two weeks. Later in
life, Rossini claimed to have written the opera in only twelve days. It was a colossal failure when it premiered as
Almaviva; Paisiello’s admirers were extremely indignant, sabotaging the production by whistling and shouting during the
entire first act. However, not long after the second performance, the opera became so successful that the fame of
Paisiello's opera was transferred to Rossini's, to which the title The Barber of Seville passed as an inalienable heritage.

Marriage and Mid-Career
Between 1815 and 1823 Rossini produced 20 operas. Of these Otello formed the climax to his reform of serious opera, and
offers a suggestive contrast with the treatment of the same subject at a similar point of artistic development by the
composer Giuseppe Verdi. In Rossini’s time the tragic close was so distasteful to the public of Rome that it was
necessary to invent a happy conclusion to Otello.

Conditions of stage production in 1817 are illustrated by Rossini’s acceptance of the subject of Cinderella for a libretto
only on the condition that the supernatural element should be omitted. The opera La Cenerentola was as successful as
Barbiere. The absence of a similar precaution in the construction of his Mosè in Egitto led to disaster in the scene
depicting the passage of the Israelites through the Red Sea, when the defects in stage contrivance always raised a laugh,
so that the composer was at length compelled to introduce the chorus "Dal tuo stellato Soglio" to divert attention from the
dividing waves.

In 1822, four years after the production of this work, Rossini married the coloratura soprano Isabella Colbran. In the same
year, he directed his Cenerentola in Vienna, where Zelmira was also performed. After this he returned to Bologna; but an
invitation from Prince Metternich to come to Verona and "assist in the general re-establishment of harmony" was too
tempting to be refused, and he arrived at the Congress in time for its opening on October 20, 1822. Here he made friends
with Chateaubriand and Dorothea Lieven.

In 1823, at the suggestion of the manager of the King’s Theatre, London, he came to England, being much fêted on his way
through Paris. In England he was given a generous welcome, which included an introduction to King George IV and the
receipt of £7000 after a residence of five months. In 1824 he became musical director of the Théâtre-Italien in Paris at a
salary of £800 per annum, and when the agreement came to an end he was rewarded with the offices of Chief Composer to
the King and Inspector-General of Singing in France, to which was attached the same income. At the age of 32, Rossini
was able to go into semi-retirement with essentially financial independence.

End of Career

Caricature by H. Mailly on the cover of Le Hanneton, July 4, 1867.

The production of his Guillaume Tell in 1829 brought his career as a writer of opera to a close. The libretto was by Étienne
Jouy and Hippolyte Bis, but their version was revised by Armand Marrast. The music is remarkable for its freedom from
the conventions discovered and utilized by Rossini in his earlier works, and marks a transitional stage in the history of
opera. Though a very good opera, it is rarely heard uncut today, as the original score runs more than four hours in
performance.

In 1829 he returned to Bologna. His mother had died in 1827, and he was anxious to be with his father. Arrangements for
his subsequent return to Paris on a new agreement were upset by the abdication of Charles X and the July Revolution of
1830. Rossini, who had been considering the subject of Faust for a new opera, returned, however, to Paris in the
November of that year.

Six movements of his Stabat Mater were written in 1832 and the rest in 1839, the year of his father's death. The success of
the work bears comparison with his achievements in opera; but his comparative silence during the period from 1832 to
his death in 1868 makes his biography appear almost like the narrative of two lives — the life of swift triumph, and the
long life of seclusion, of which biographers give us pictures in stories of the composer's cynical wit, his speculations in
fish culture, his mask of humility and indifference.

Later Years
His first wife died in 1845, and on August 16, 1846 he married Olympe Pélissier, who had sat for Vernet for his picture of
Judith and Holofernes. Political disturbances compelled Rossini to leave Bologna in 1848. After living for a time in
Florence he settled in Paris in 1855, where his house was a centre of artistic society. Rossini had been a well-known
gourmand and an excellent amateur chef his entire life, but he indulged these two passions fully once he retired from
composing, and today there are a number of dishes with the appendage "alla Rossini" to their names that were either
created by him or specifically for him. Probably the most famous of these is Tournedos alla Rossini, still served by many
restaurants today. He died at his country house at Passy on Friday November 13, 1868 and was buried in Père Lachaise
Cemetery, Paris, France. In 1887 his remains were moved to the Basilica di Santa Croce di Firenze, in Florence, where
they now rest.

Honors
He was a foreign associate of the Institute, grand officer of the Legion of Honour, and the recipient of innumerable orders.

Gioacchino Rossini, photograph by Étienne Carjat, 1865. Gioacchino Rossini, photograph by Félix Nadar, 1858.

Portrait of Gioacchino Rossini by Francesco Hayez (1870) Pinacoteca di Brera, Milan

Rossini's tomb at Père Lachaise Cemetery in Paris. Rossini's grave in Basilica of Santa Croce, Florence.

Notes
In his compositions Rossini plagiarized even more freely from himself than from other musicians, and few of his operas
are without such admixtures frankly introduced in the form of arias or overtures. For example, in Il Barbiere there is an
aria for the Count (often omitted) 'Cessa di piu resistere', which Rossini used (with minor changes) in Le Nozze di Teti e di
Peleo and in La Cenerentola (the cabaletta for Angelina's Rondo is almost unchanged).

A characteristic mannerism in his orchestral scoring, a long, steady build of sound, creating "tempests in teapots by
beginning in a whisper and rising to a flashing, glittering storm" earned him the nickname of "Signor Crescendo".

Works

Operas

1810–1814
La cambiale di matrimonio ("The Marriage Contract", 1810)
L'equivoco stravagante ("The Extravagant Confusion", 1811)
Demetrio e Polibio ("Demetrius and Polybius", 1812)
L'inganno felice ("The Merry Deception", 1812)
Ciro in Babilonia, ossia La caduta di Baldassare ("Ciro in Babylon, or The Fall of Balthazar", 1812)
La scala di seta ("The Silken Ladder", 1812)
La pietra del paragone ("The Touchstone", 1812)
L'occasione fa il ladro, ossia Il cambio della valigia ("The Thief's Opportunity, or The Suitcase Exchange", 1812)
Il signor Bruschino, ossia Il figlio per azzardo ("Signor Bruschino, or The Gambling Son", 1813)
Tancredi ("Tancrède", based on play by Voltaire, 1813)
L'italiana in Algeri ("The Italian Girl in Algiers", 1813)
Aureliano in Palmira ("Aurelius in Palmyra", 1813)
Il turco in Italia ("The Turk in Italy", 1814)
Sigismondo ("Sigismund", 1814)

1815–1819
Elisabetta, regina d'Inghilterra ("Elizabeth, Queen of England", 1815)
Torvaldo e Dorliska ("Torvald and Dorliska", 1815)
Il barbiere di Siviglia, ossia L'inutile precauzione ("The Barber of Seville, or The Useless Precaution", 1816)
La Gazzetta, ossia Il matrimonio per concorso ("The Newspaper, or The Marriage Contest", 1816)
Otello, ossia Il Moro di Venezia ("Othello, or The Moor of Venice", 1816)
La Cenerentola, ossia La bontà in trionfo ("Cinderella, or Goodness Triumphant", 1817)
La gazza ladra ("The Thieving Magpie", 1817)
Armida ("Armida", 1817)
Adelaide di Borgogna, ossia Ottone, re d'Italia' ("Adelaide of Burgundy, or Otto, King of Italy", 1817)
Mosè in Egitto ("Moses in Egypt", 1818)
Adina, ossia Il califfo di Bagdad ("Adina, or The Caliph of Baghdad", 1818)
Ricciardo e Zoraide ("Richard and Zoraide", 1818)
Ermione ("Hermione", 1819)
Eduardo e Cristina ("Edward and Christina", 1819)
La donna del lago ("The Lady of the Lake", 1819)
Bianca e Falliero, Il consiglio dei tre ("Bianca and Fallière, or The Council of Three", 1819)

1820–1824
Maometto secondo ("Muhammad II", 1820)
Matilde di Shabran, ossia Bellezza e Cuor di Ferro; also: Mathilde di Shabran ("Matilda of Shabran, or Beauty with a Heart
of Iron", 1821)
Zelmira ("Zelmira", 1822)
Semiramide ("Semiramis", based on a play by Voltaire, 1823)

1825–1829
Il viaggio a Reims, ossia L'albergo del Giglio d'Oro (French: Le voyage à Reims, ou l'Hôtel du Lys-d'Or) ("The Journey to
Reims, or The Inn of the Golden Fleur-de-Lys", 1825)
Ivanhoé, 1826, is comprised entirely of music taken from earlier Rossini operas
Le siège de Corinthe (Italian: L'assedio di Corinto; "The Siege of Corinth", 1826. A revision of Maometto secondo)
Moïse et Pharaon, ou Le passage de la mer Rouge ("Moses and Pharoah, or The Passage to the Red Sea", 1827; a
revision of Mosè in Egitto)
Le comte Ory (Italian: Il Conte Ory) ("Count Ory", 1828)
Guillaume Tell (Italian: Guglielmo Tell, "William Tell"; 1829)

Cantatas
Il pianto d'armonia sulla morte di Orfeo (1808)
La morte di Didone (1811)
Dalle quete e pallid'ombre (1812)
Egle ed Irene (1814)
L'aurora (1815)
Le nozze di Teti e di Peleo (1816)
Omaggio umiliato (1819)
Cantata... 9 maggio 1819 (1819)
La riconoscenza (1821)
Giunone (before 1822)
La santa alleanza (1822)
Il vero omaggio (1822)
Omaggio pastorale (1823)
Il pianto delle muse in morte di Lord Byron (1824)
Cantata per il battesimo del figlio del banchiere Aguado (1827)
L'armonica cetra del nune (1830)
Giovanna d'Arco (1832, revision 1852)
Cantata in onore del sommo pontefice Pio IX (1847)

Instrumental Music
Sei sonate a quattro (1804)
Sinfonia "al conventello" (1806)
Cinque duets pour cor (1806)
Sinfonia (1808, utilisée dans l'inganno felice)
Sinfonia (1809, utilisée dans la cambiale di matrimonio et adelaide di borgogna)
Sinfonia "obbligata a contrabasso" (1807-10)
Variazzioni di clarinetto (1809)
Andante e tema con variazioni (1812)
Andante e tema con variazioni per arpa e violino (1820)
Passo doppio 1822 (variations de l'air di tanti palpiti dans tancredi)
Valse (1823)
Serenata (1823)
Duetto per Violoncello e Contrabasso (1824)
Rendez-vous de chasse (1828)
Fantaisie (1829)
Trois marches militaires (1837)
Scherzo (1843)
Tema originale di Rossini variato per violino da Giovacchino Giovacchini (1845)
Marcia (1852)
Thème de Rossini suivi de deux variations et coda par Moscheles père (1860)
La corona d'Italia (1868)

Sacred Music
Quoniam (1813)
Messa di gloria (1820)
Preghiera (1820)
Tantum ergo (1824)
Stabat mater (first version 1832, second version 1841)
Trois choeurs religieux ("La foi, l'espérance, la charité£, 1844)
Tantum ergo (1847)
O salutaris hostia (1857)
Laus deo (1861)
Petite Messe Solennelle (first version 1864, second version 1867)

Secular Vocal Music
Se il vuol la molinara (1801)
Dolce aurette che spirate (1810)
La mia pace io già perdei (1812)
Qual voce, quai note (1813)
Alla voce della gloria (1813)
Amore mi assisti (1814)
Il trovatore (1818)
Il carnevale di Venezia (Rome, 1821)
Belta crudele (1821)
La pastorella (1821)
Canzonetta spagnuola (1821)
Infelice ch'io son (1821)
Addio ai viennesi (1822)
Dall'oriente l'astro del giorno (1824)
Ridiamo, cantiamo, che tutto sen va (1824)
In giorno si bello (London, 1824)
Tre quartetti da camera (1827)
Les adieux à Rome (1827)
Orage et beau temps (1829/30)
La passeggiata (Madrid, 1831)
La dichiarazione (1834)
Les soirées musicales (1830-1835)
La regata veneziana
Deux nocturnes: 1. adieu a l'Italie, 2. le départ (1836)
Nizza (1836)
L'âme délaissée (1844)
Francesca da Rimini (1848)
Mi lagnero tacendo (1858)
La Danza

Péchés de Vieillesse
Vol I Album italiano
Vol II Album français
Vol III Morceaux réservés
Vol IV Quatre hors d’œuvres et quatre mendiants
Vol V Album pour les enfants adolescents
Vol VI Album pour les enfants dégourdis
Vol VII Album de chaumière
Vol VIII Album de château
Vol IX Album pour piano, violon, violoncello, harmonium et cor
Vol X Miscellanée pour piano
Vol XI Miscellanée de musique vocale
Vol XII Quelques riens pour album
Vol XIII Musique anodine

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Italian News
Periodical On-Line that Promotes, Supports, Spreads ITALY,
and ITALIAN Language, History, Culture, Tradition, Genealogy,
Articles, Products, Services, Every Aspect of ITALIAN Life Style
by THE ITALIAN PROJECT

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Italian Regions

VENETO
Official Website: www.regione.veneto.it

On the border with Austria, the region is circled in the North
by the most beautiful among alpine summits: Marmolada
Monte Antealo, Tre Cime di Lavaredo, Monte Cristallo. The
largest part of the territory is plain, with low hills of volvanic
origin, the Monti Berici and the Colli Euganei, in the middle.
The coastline is low and with wide, sandy beaches,
interrupted by the mouths of the many rivers, canals and
lagoons.

The Provinces of Veneto
Venezia (VE), Belluno (BL), Padova (PD), Rovigo (RO),
Treviso (TV), Verona (VR), Vicenza (VI)

Population
The population is concentrated in the Southern part, and
mostly employed in agriculture in many small farms,
specialized in the cultivation of maize, barley, soy bean and
sugar-beet, vineyards producing highly renowned wines,
fruit and vegetables. Fishing is also an important resource,
as well as the many food-processing industries. Other
specialized trades are goldsmithery in Vicenza, glass in
Murano, lacework in Burano. But possibly the most
promising resource is tourism, first of all to world-famous
Venice, but also to the Dolomite mountains, Lake Garda, the
spa and seaside resorts, and the other great art cities of the
region.

History

Very little is known of the earliest inhabitants of Veneto,
called "Euganei", who were probably absorbed by the
ancient Veneti, a peaceful people of farmers, who occupied
the region starting from the 13th century BC and established
important centers at Este, Padua and Adria. Differently from
other Italic peoples, the Venety did not fight the Romans, but
established an alliance with them against their common
enemy, the Gauls. In 98 BC the Romans gave Veneto the
status of Roman colony and a little later citizenship.
The region was among the first to be threatened by the
barbarians, and the political center was moved to the
lagoon islands, easier to defend, and to Istria, under the
protection of the Eastern Roman Empire. From that time
onwards, a very profitable relation developed between
Venice and the East, while the rest of the region was
occupied, as the greater part of Italy, by the Lombards and
later by the Franks, who established a number of countdoms
and helped the rise of the Lords of Este. Other great families
rose in power in other cities: the Scaligeri in Verona and the
da Carrara in Belluno.

Throughout the Middle Ages however the rise of Venice
continued, until the city was the first naval power in the
Mediterranean and started to conquer also the cities in the
hinterland, establishing a strong state that was independent
until 1797, when Napoleon crushed the free republic selling
it to Austria with the shameful Campoformio Treaty. Only
during the Third War of Italian Independence (1866) Veneto
was finally united to the Kingdom of Italy, but this only
caused a massive exodus of its inhabitants towards the
industrial centers in north-western Italy and to America.

During the First World War the region suffered greatly, being
for long years frontline between Italy and Austria. Also the
Second World War, especially after 1943, caused
innumerable victims among the civilian populations
because of the heavy allied bombings of Treviso and Verona
and the bloody reprisals of the Germans against the Italian
Resistance.

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Italian Genealogy

What is Genealogy Research?
Genealogy, the research of our roots, both genetical and
cultural. From the dusty, crumbling papers of documents
people who belong to what we now are come out of the
mist of time and look at us silently, affectionately, waiting
for someone to decipher their stories, rescue them from
oblivion and pass their as yet forgotten names and stories
on to the next generations.

HOW TO START
Genealogy Research in Italy

You want to go backwards and find ancestors
To start any serious attempt of this kind, you need the
earliest possible name with place and date (death, birth or
marriage). From there you'll proceed through births,
marriages etc, according to the availability of resources -
municipalities certificates, civil records, onciari, parish
books, notary records and still other possible sources. As
you proceed backward in time, resources will become
scantier, and research longer and more expensive.

You want to go forward and find relatives
You can try writing a letter to all those families bearing the
surname of your ancestor in his/her municipality of origin.

You want to know more
You want to know more about the places, traditions,
customs of your ancestral land, the recipes and economy,
you want to reconstruct the real life of your ancestors, to
preserve the heritage that you had from your forefathers
through thousands of years of Italian history .

We can Help you
If you would like to do Italian Genealogcal Research by
yourselves, here are our step-by-step, detailed and useful
suggestions on:
How to Find Places of Birth and Residence of your
Ancestors and Living Relatives in ITALY

How to Obtain Information and Documents of your
Ancestors in ITALY

How to Contact your Living Relatives in ITALY

We can Assist you
If you would like us to Italian Genealogy Research for you,
we can Assist you. Here are our easy instructions to use
our Assistance:
ITALIAN Genealogical Research
ITALIAN Translation

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Italian Recipes

Ziti with Portobello Mushrooms,
Caramelized Onions, and Goat Cheese

Ingredients
2 tablespoons butter
4 tablespoons olive oil
3 onions, chopped
1 teaspoon salt
1/2 teaspoon sugar
1 pound portobello mushrooms, stems removed, caps
halved and then cut crosswise into 1/4-inch slices
3 tablespoons chopped fresh parsley
1/4 teaspoon fresh-ground black pepper
3 pounds ziti
3 ounces soft goat cheese, such as Montrachet, crumbled
3 tablespoons grated Parmesan cheese, plus more for
serving

Nutrition Info Per Serving
Calories: 1592 kcal
Carbohydrates: 268 g
Dietary Fiber: 11 g
Fat: 32 g
Protein: 53 g
Sugars: 19 g

Cooking Directions
In a large frying pan, melt 1 tablespoon of the butter with 2
tablespoons of the oil over moderate heat. Add the onions,
1/2 teaspoon of the salt, and the sugar and cook, stirring
frequently, until the onions are well browned, about 20
minutes. Remove from the pan.
In the same pan, melt the remaining 1 tablespoon butter with
1 tablespoon of the oil over moderate heat. Add the
mushrooms and 1/4 teaspoon of the salt and cook, stirring
occasionally, until tender and brown, about 8 minutes. Add
the reserved onions, the parsley, the remaining 1/4
teaspoon salt, and the pepper.
In a large pot of boiling, salted water, cook the ziti until just
done, about 13 minutes. Reserve 3/4 cup of the pasta water
and drain. Toss the ziti and 1/2 cup of the reserved pasta
water with the mushroom mixture, the remaining 1
tablespoon oil, the goat cheese, and the Parmesan. If the
pasta seems dry, add more of the reserved pasta water.
Serve with additional Parmesan.

Yield
4 servings

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Italian Recipes

Italian Tuna Salad Sandwiches
with Black-Olive Dressing

Ingredients
3/4 cup chopped flat-leaf parsley
3/4 cup black olives, such as Gaeta, Calamata or Nicoise,
pitted and chopped
1/2 cup extra-virgin olive oil
4 anchovy fillets, minced
3 garlic cloves, minced
1 1/2 tablespoons fresh lemon juice
1 tablespoon chopped thyme
Salt and freshly ground pepper
6 ounces snow peas
2 (6 ounce) jars or cans of imported olive oil-packed tuna,
drained
4 crusty rolls or 6-inch lengths of baguette, halved
1 small red onion, thinly sliced
2 medium tomatoes, sliced 1/3 inch thick
4 hard-cooked eggs, sliced 1/4 inch thick

Nutrition Info Per Serving
Calories: 688 kcal
Carbohydrates: 30 g
Dietary Fiber: 4 g
Fat: 45 g
Protein: 38 g
Sugars: 7 g

Cooking Directions
In a medium bowl, mix the parsley, black olives, olive oil,
anchovies, garlic, lemon juice and thyme. Season the
dressing with salt and pepper.
In a small pot of boiling salted water, blanch the snow peas
for 1 minute, or until they are bright green and just tender.
Drain the snow peas and refresh them under cold water,
then pat dry. Slice the snow peas lengthwise into 1/4-inch
strips and toss them with 1 tablespoon of the olive dressing.
In a medium bowl, lightly break up the drained tuna with a
fork. Add 6 tablespoons of the olive dressing and toss
gently.
Spread the cut sides of the rolls or baguette pieces with the
remaining olive dressing. On the bottom halves of the rolls
or baguette pieces, arrange the snow peas, followed by the
red onion slices, the tomatoes, tuna and sliced eggs. Close
the tuna sandwiches and serve.

Yield
4 servings

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Italian Recipes

Strawberry Granita

Ingredients
1 (.87 ounce) tub Raspberry Ice Flavor Low Calorie Soft
Drink Mix
1 1/4 cups water
1 (20 ounce) package frozen unsweetened strawberries

Cooking Directions
Empty drink mix into blender container.
Add water and strawberries; cover and blend until smooth.
Serve immediately.

Yield
8 servings

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Italian Language

Seasons
The names of seasons (le stagioni) are not capitalized in
Italian.

la primavera—Spring
l’estate—Summer
l’autunno—Autumn
l’inverno—Winter

Months
The names of the months (i mesi) are not capitalized in
Italian.

gennaio—January
febbraio—February
marzo—March
aprile—April
maggio—May
giugno—June
luglio—July
agosto—August
settembre—September
ottobre—October
novembre—November
dicembre—December

Che mese è? (In che mese siamo?) What month is it? (What
month are we in?)
È settembre. (Siamo in settembre.) It’s September.

Days of the Week
The days of the week (i giorni della settimana) are not
capitalized in Italian. The week begins with Monday.

lunedì—Monday
martedì—Tuesday
mercoledì—Wednesday
giovedì—Thursday
venerdì—Friday
sabato—Saturday
domenica—Sunday

Che giorno è... (What day is...)
oggi (today)
domani (tomorrow)
Che giorno è oggi? (What day is it today?)
Oggi è giovedì. (Today is Thursday.)
Domani è venerdì. (Tomorrow is Friday.)

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Italian History

Italo-Australiani (Italian-Australians)

Notable Italian-Australians

John Aloisi Ron Barassi Pietro Porcelli Natalie Imbruglia Morris Iemma

Total Population Italian-Australians
199,124 (by birth, 2006)
852,417 (by ancestry, 2006)

Regions with Significant Populations
Melbourne, Sydney, Perth, Adelaide, Brisbane, Newcastle, Griffith, Darwin

Languages
Australian English, Italian, Sicilian, Neapolitan, other Italian dialects

Religion
predominantly Roman Catholic

Italian-Australians are one of the largest ethnic groups in Australia. The 2006 Census counted 199,124 persons who were
born in Italy. However, 852,417 persons identified themselves as having Italian ancestry, either alone or in combination
with another ancestry. Italian is the fifth most identified ancestry in Australia behind 'Australian', 'English', 'Irish' and
'Scottish'. Italian is the second most utilised language at home, with 316,900 speakers (or 1.6% of the Australian
population). Italians arrived most prominently in the decades immediately following the World War II, and they and their
children have had an impact on the cultural, social and economic life of Australia.

Demographics
Italians are well represented in every Australian town and region but there is a disproportionate concentration in Victoria
(41.6% compared to 25% of the general Australian population) and South Australia (11.3% compared to 7.6%). It is
probable that the distribution of their Italian-Australian children mirrors this.

According to 2006 census data released by the Australian Bureau of Statistics, 95% of Italian born Australians recorded
their religion as Christian. 79.7% Catholic, 3.2% Anglican, 5.6% Other Christian, 1.6% Other Religions and 10.0% No
Religion.

As the level of immigration from Italy dropped significantly from the 1970s, the Italian-born population is ageing. 63% of the
Italian-born population was aged sixty years old or older at the time of the 2006 Census. 176,536 or 89% arrived before
1980.

As at the 2006 census 162,107 (81.4%) speak Italian at home. Proficiency in English was self-described by census
respondents as very well by 28%, well by 32%, 21% not well (18% didn't state or said not applicable).

Of the Australian residents who were born in Italy, 157,209 or 79% were Australian citizens at the time of the 2006 census.

Return Migration
Italian Australians have a low rate of return migration to Italy. In December 2001, the Department of Foreign Affairs
estimated that there were 30,000 Australian citizens resident in Italy. These are likely to be returned Italian emigrants with
Australian citizenship, and their Italian-Australian children.

Historical Overview of Italians in Australia

The Early Stage
Italians have been arriving in Australia in a limited number since the last decades of the eighteenth century.
Nevertheless, it is only since 1869 that the country witnessed the arrival of a number of educated individuals who had left
Italy for non-economic reasons, such as missionaries, musicians, artists, professionals and businesspeople. This
sprinkling of northern Italian middle class professionals and to Australia probably escaped the persecutions by Austrian
authorities - under whose control were most of northern regions of Italy until 1860 - especially after the failure of the
revolts in many European cities in the 1840s and 1850s. As stated by D'Aprano in his work on the first Italian migrants in
Victoria:

We find some Italian artisans in Melbourne and other colonies already in the 1840s, many of whom had participated in the
defeated revolts against the despotic rulers of Modena, Naples, Venice, Milan, Bologna, Rome and other cities. They came
to Australia to seek a better and more efficient life.

Through the 1840s and 1850s, the number of Italian migrants of peasant background who came for economic reasons
increased. Nevertheless, they did not come from the landless, poverty-stricken agricultural working class but from rural
families with at least sufficient means to pay their fare to Australia. Rando reports that a group of artisans skilled in
terrazzo work 'apparently' settled in Melbourne, and stonemasons from Lombardy arrived to build a French-style village at
Hunters Hill near Sydney. Furthermore, in the late 1850s, some 2,000 Swiss Italians from the Valtellina region migrated to
the Victorian goldfields.

New Italy Memorial (list of family names)

The number of Italians who arrived in Australia remained small during the whole of the nineteenth century. The voyage
was costly and complex, as no direct shipping link existed between the two countries until the late 1890s. The length of
the voyage was over two months before the opening of the Suez Canal. Italian migrants who intended to leave for
Australia had to use German shipping lines that called at the ports of Genoa and Naples no more than once a month.
Therefore other overseas destinations such as the United States and the Latin American countries proved much more
attractive, thus allowing the establishment of migration patterns more quickly and drawing far greater numbers.

Nevertheless, the Victorian gold rush of the 1850s attracted thousands of Italians and Swiss Italians to Australia. The
drain on the labor supply occasioned by the gold rush caused Australia to also seek workmen from Europe for land use
and the development of cultivation, both in New South Wales and Queensland. Unfortunately, the number of Italians who
joined the Victorian gold mines is obscure, and until 1871 Italians did not receive a special place in any Australian
Census figures. By 1881, the first year of Census figures on Italian migrants in all States, there were 521 Italians
(representing 0.066% of the total population) in New South Wales, and 947 (0.10%) in Victoria, of whom one-third were in
Melbourne and the rest were in the goldfields. Queensland had 250 Italians, South Australia 141, Tasmania 11 and
Western Australia just 10. Such figures, from Australian sources, correspond to similar figures from Italian sources.

While Italians in Australia were less than 2,000, they tended to increase, because they were attracted by the easy
possibility to settle in areas capable of intense agricultural exploitation. In this regard, it must be borne in mind again that
in the early 1880s Italy was facing a strong economic crisis, which was going to push a hundred thousand Italians to seek
a better life abroad.

In addition, even Australian travellers, like Randolph Bedford, who visited Italy in the 1870s and 1880s, admitted the
convenience of having a larger intake of Italian workers into Australia. Bedford stated that Italians would adjust to the
Australian climate better than the 'pale' English migrant. As the job opportunities attracted so many British people to the
colonies in order to be employed in agriculture, certainly the Italian peasant, accustomed to be a hard-worker, "frugal and
sober", would be a very good immigrant for the Australia soil.

Since the early 1880s, due to the socio-economic situation in Italy and the abundant opportunities to settle in Australia as
farmers, skilled or semi-skilled artisans and labourers, the number of Italians who left for Australia increased.

In 1881, over 200 foreign immigrants, of whom a considerable number were Italians from Northern Italy, arrived in
Sydney. They were the survivors from Marquis de Ray's ill-fated attempt at founding a colony, Nouvelle France, in New
Ireland, which later became part of Germany's New Guinea Protectorate. Many of them took up a conditional purchase
farm of 40 acres near Woodburn in the Northern Rivers District at what was subsequently known as 'New Italy'. By the mid-
1880s, about 50 holdings of an aggregate area of more than 3,000 acres (12 km²) were under occupation, and the Italian
population of New Italy has increased to 250. In this respect, Lyng reports: "The land was very poor and heavily timbered
and had been passed over by local settlers. However, the Italians set to work and by great industry and thrift succeeded
in clearing some of the land and making it productive…[…]…Besides, working on their own properties the settlers were
engaged in the sugar industry, in timber squaring, grass seed gathering, and other miscellaneous work".

In 1883, a commercial Treaty between the United Kingdom and Italy was signed, allowing Italian subjects freedom of
entry, travel and residence, and the rights to acquire and own property and to carry on business activities. This
Agreement certainly favoured the arrival in Australia of many more Italians.

Italians in Australian Working Society, 1890-1920
Although Italian settlers and Australians had fairly harmonious relations through most of the nineteenth century, "matters
began to change once Italian workers and contadini (peasants) began arriving in greater numbers", as Rando observed.
1891 was the year in Queensland in which over 300 peasants from northern Italy were scheduled to arrive, as the first
contingent to replace over 60,000 Kanakas brought to north Queensland since the mid-nineteenth century as exploitable
labour for the sugarcane plantations. Until the early 1890s, Italians had been practically an unknown - although very
modest - quantity in Queensland. As a result of the new White Australia policy, the Kanakas were now being deported.
While employment was guaranteed, wages were low and fixed. The deciding factor in the whole matter was the plight of
the sugar industry: docile gang labor was essential, and the 'frugal' Italian peasants were perfectly suited for such
employment.

The Australian Workers Union (AWU) claimed that Italians would work harder than the Kanakas for lower pay and take
away work from Australians, and over 8,000 Queenslanders signed a petition requesting the project to be cancelled.
Nonetheless, more Italian migrants arrived and soon nominated friends and relatives still in Italy. They slowly acquired a
large number of sugar-cane plantations and gradually set up thriving Italian communities in north Queensland around the
towns of Ayr and Innisfail.

A few years later, Italians were again the subject of public discussion in Western Australia. The gold rush of the early
1890s in Western Australia and the subsequent labour disputes at the mines had belatedly attracted Italians in large
number, both from Victoria and Italy itself. Most of them were unskilled and therefore usually employed on the surface of
the mines, or cutting, loading and carting wood nearby. Pyke so described the situation:
"Popular agitation was prompted mainly by growing unemployment; even Italians had begun to write home about it.
Italians, however, could still be readily employed, often in preference to other workmen, because of the contract system of
employment. They had the virtue of comparative docility and temperance and the ability to work in the hottest of weather;
consequently, they were sought after by contractors, a few of whom were themselves Italians".

As previously stated with respect to the temporary migration of Tuscan migrants, Italians worked hard, and most saved
steadily, by a simple a primitive mode of life, in order to buy land either in hospitable Australian urban areas or in the
Italian community of origin. They were clearly "the better men for the worse job".

The early 1890s is a turning point in the Australian attitude toward Italian immigration.
Pyke states:
"The Labour Movement was against Italian immigration to all areas, and particularly to these industries, inasmuch as it
swelled the labour market and increased competition, thereby putting employers in the enviable position of being able to
pick and choose and giving employees who wanted to labour and needed work, the opportunity of paying for employment
and accepting low wages".

Sugarcane activities in Queensland and mining in Western Australia - where most of the Italians were employed - became
the targets of the Labour movement. As O'Connor reports in his work on the first Italian settlements, when Italians began
to compete with Britishers for work on the Kalgoorlie goldfields, the Parliament was warned that they, along with Greeks
and Hungarians, "had become a greater pest in the United States than the coloured races". In other words, during the
1890s, a political and social alliance is formed between the Australian Labour Party and the Anglo-Celtic Australian
working class in order to react to Italian immigrants, with particular reference to northern and central Italian workers who
lowered the level of wages.

Even in the Italian literature of the 1890s and early 1900s on travel reports and descriptions of Australia, there are notes
about these frictions. The Italian Geographical Society (Societa' Geografica Italiana) reported as follows about the few
Italian settlements in Australia:
"Nella maggior parte dei casi l'operaio (italiano) vive sotto la tenda, così chiunque non sia dedito all'ubriachezza (cosa
troppo comune in questi paesi, ma non fra i nostri connazionali) può facilmente risparmiare la metà del suo salario. I
nostri italiani, economi per eccellenza, risparmiano talvolta anche di più".
(In the large majority of the cases, Italian labourers live in tents, so, whoever does not get drunk (which is such a
common habit in this country, except amongst Italians) can easily save up to half his wage. Our Italians, extremely thrifty,
save even more than that).

Among the many observations about his journey to Australia, the Italian priest and writer, Giuseppe Capra, notes in 1909:
"In questi ultimi cinquantacinque anni, in cui l'Italiano emigrò più numeroso in Australia, la sua condotta morale è
superiore a quella delle altre nazionalità che qui sono rappresentate, l'inglese compreso. Amante del lavoro, del
risparmio, intelligente, sobrio, è sempre ricercatissimo: l'unico contrasto che talvolta incontra è quello dell'operaio
inglese, che, forte della sua origine, si fa preferire e guarda al suo concorrente con viso arcigno, temendo, senza alcun
fondamento, che l'Italiano si presti a lavori per salari inferiori ai proprii".
(During these recent 55 years, when Italians migrated more to Australia, their moral conduct had been superior to that of
the many other nationals here represented, British included. Italians are work and savings-oriented, intelligent, sober and
very much sought after. The only hostility comes from the British labourers who, confident of their origin, look at their
Italian competitors with a surly mood, because they are afraid - without any evidence - that Italians could work for lower
wages than theirs).

Frictions between the established Australian working class and the newcomers suggest that, during periods of economic
crisis and unemployment, immigration acted as a 'tool of division and attack' by international capitalism to the working
class organization. There were Italians in occupations other than in the sugarcane industry and mining. In Western
Australia, fishing was next in popularity, followed by the usual urban pursuits now associated with Italians of peasant
origin, such as market gardening, the keeping of restaurants and wine shops and the sale of fruit and vegetables.

As Cresciani has explained in his comprehensive study of Italian settlements in the early decades of the twentieth
century, it was the small size and the type of the Italian settlement that also worked against a wider involvement of Italian
migrants with organised labour.

"Most Italians were scattered in the countryside, on the goldfields, in the mines. As agricultural workers, fruit pickers,
farmers, tobacco growers, canecutters. The distance and the lack of communication prevented them from organising
themselves. Those in the cities, mainly greengrocers, market gardeners and labourers, because of the sheer lack of
interest and capacity to understand the advantages that a political organisation would bring, kept themselves aloof from
any active role in politics and from the people who were advocating it. Also, many migrants were seasonal workers,
never stopping for long at any one place, thus making it difficult for them to take part in social or political activities". By
the early 1900s, there were over 5,000 Italians in Australia in a remarkable variety of occupations. In 1911, the Census
claimed that there were 6,719 residents who had been born in Italy. Of these, 5,543 were males, whilst 2,683 had become
naturalised. No less than 2,600 were in Western Australia.

One of the most significant policy matters that the new Parliament of Australia had to consider after it opened in 1901 was
immigration. Later that year, the Attorney-General, Alfred Deakin, introduced and passed into legislation the Immigration
Restriction Act 1901 and the allied Pacific Island Labourers Act. The goal was to ensure the White Australia policy by
controlling entry into Australia and - by the latter - repatriating coloured labour from the Pacific Islands. The concept was
meant to safeguard the social 'white' purity and protect wage standards against cheap coloured labour.

As the Restriction Act passed into legislation, there was some confusion as to whether Italians should be let into the
country or kept out by means of the 'Dictation test' provisions, as stated into the Act. The Act did not specify a translation
but rather a dictation in a European language, the purpose of the test being to keep out of Australia non-Europeans, as a
deterrent to unwanted immigrants. Although the test was initially to be administered in English, it was then tightened to
any European language, "mainly through Labour insistence". Such a firmly sustained system to select entries into
Australia that it remained on the statute books until 1958, when it was replaced by a system of entry permits.
Nevertheless, in the early 1900s, some Italians calling at Fremantle and other Australian ports were refused admission
under the provisions of the Act. These latter cases might be indicative of the fact that Western Australia shared the
xenophobia of the rest of the world. The reaction was certainly associated with the so called 'Awakening of Asia' and
'Yellow Peril', which were not exclusively Australian terms. As reported: "Such concepts combined to produce in Europe
a suspicion that the traditional European supremacy around the globe was coming to an end. In Australia that eventually
was seen as, or made to appear, a more immediate threatening".

Fuelled both by the British-European feeling of loss of supremacy and the fears of the Australian Labor Party in working
sectors where labourers were not exclusively Anglo-Celtics, anti-Italian sentiments gathered momentum in the United
States in the early 1900s, in the wake of Italian mass migration. Such attitudes flourished also in Australia, as it has been
reported with respect to the Queensland sugar-cane industry and Western Australian mines. Nevertheless, a new attempt
to found an Italian colony in Western Australia took place in 1906, when the western state offered to host about 100 Italian
peasant families to settle in the south-western rural corner of Western Australia. A delegation of a few northern Italian
farmers led by Leopoldo Zunini, an Italian career diplomat, visited most of these rural areas. Although his report on soil
fertility, quality of cattle to graze, transportation and accommodation for the Italian farmers was extremely positive and
enthusiastic, the settlement scheme was not carried out. Again, Western Australia public opinion opposed the creation of
an exclusively Italian settlement, possibly caused by a mounting anti-Italian sentiment fuelled by the outlined episodes of
confrontation between the Labour movement and the cheap labour cost offered by Italian migrants.

The Growth of the Italian Australian Community, 1921-1945
Italian migration to Australia increased markedly only after heavy restrictions were placed on Italians' entry to the United
States. More than two million Italian migrants entered the United States from the turn of the century to the outbreak of the
First World War, whereas only about twelve thousand Italians had entered Australia in the same period. In 1917, while
war was still on, the United States introduced a Literacy Act to curtail its immigration flow - which had reached a high
number in the years immediately before the war - and Canada enacted similar legislation two years later. In 1921, United
States policy became even stricter, with the establishment of a quota system that limited the total intake of Italian
immigrants in any one year to about 41,000 (calculated as 3% of the number of Italians residing in the United States in
1910). Furthermore, in 1924, the figures related to the entry of Italians were cut almost to zero, as they were meant to
represent the 2% of the Italian component in the United States in 1890.

Such severe restrictions meant that part of the great post-war stream of migrants from Italy was progressively diverted to
Australia. Nevertheless, the way Italian migrants were conceived by Australian society was not going to change after its
perception had formed in the early 1900s. With respect to this attitude, MacDonald wrote: "Italian immigration became the
largest non-British movement after the entry of Melanesians and Asians was stopped by the new federal government in
1902. This put Italians at the bottom of the Australian 'racial totem pole', just above other southern Europeans and
Aborigines. The volume of arrivals, the proportion of settlers in the total population of Australia, and the size of Italian
agglomerated settlements were trivial by international standards. Yet the establishment of fifty Italian households within a
radius of five miles or the employment of twenty Italians on a job were cause for alarm in Australian eyes, The 'inferiority'
of Italians was generally seen in racist terms as well as specifically in terms of their threatening to compete with labor of
British stock because of their 'primitive' way of life".

This attitude was also present in other English speaking countries, as Porter reported for Canada. In his classical study of
Italians in North Queensland, Douglass suggests other factors affecting such racist attitudes, and reports a summary of
the Commonwealth Parliamentary debate of 1927: "The image of the Italian was nourished by the stereotype of the
southerner, and particularly the Sicilian. Regardless of its veracity, it could be applied to only a minority of the new
arrivals since, by Italian Government estimates, fully two-fifths of its emigrants to Australia were from the Veneto and
another two-fifths were drawn from the Piedmont, Lombardy and Tuscany regions. Only one-fifth were from Sicily and
Calabria". Here it is only necessary to add that such disposition was hard to change if, as O'Connor reports by citing a
previous work by Bromley, "darkness, smallness, noisiness, fatness and smelliness formed an Australian stereotype of
the Italians".

Although the Australian attitude towards Italians was not friendly, since the early 1920s Italian migrants began to arrive in
Australia in notable numbers. While the Australian Census of 1921 recorded 8,135 Italians residing in the country, during
the years 1922-1925 another 15,000 arrived and, again, a similar number of Italians reached Australia during the period
1926-1930.

Together with the entry restrictions adopted by the United States, another factor that increased Italian emigration in the
early 1920s was the rise of Fascism in Italy in 1922. Gradually, the arrays of migrants became formed also by a minor
component of political opponents to Fascism, generally peasants of the northern Italian regions, who chose Australia as
their destination. In his study on Italian migration to South Australia, O'Connor even reports on the presence, in 1926, in
Adelaide of a dangerous anarchist 'subversive' from the village of Capoliveri, in the Tuscan Island of Elba, one Giacomo
Argenti.

The concern of Benito Mussolini about the high emigration figures of the mid-1920s pushed the Fascist government's
decision in 1927 to stop all migration to overseas countries, with rarely permitted exceptions, apart from female and
minor close relatives (under-age sons, unmarried daughters of any age, parents and unmarried sisters without family in
Italy) dependent on residents abroad. In the early 1920s Italians had found that it was not difficult to enter Australia, as
there were no visa requirements. The Amending Immigration Act of 1924 prohibited the entry of migrants unless they had a
written guarantee completed by a sponsor, an Atto di richiamo ('Call notice'). In this case, any migrant could come to
Australia free of charge. Without a sponsor, the required landing money was ten pounds until 1924 and forty since 1925.
O'Connor states: "In 1928, as the number of arrivals increased, a 'gentleman's agreement' between Italy and Australia
limited the entry of Italians to no more than 2% of British arrivals, amounting to a maximum of 3,000 Italians per year".

Although there were certainly a number of opponents to Fascism amongst Italians in Australia in the form of anti-fascists
and anarchists, the Fascist movement was accepted by many Italian-born migrants residing in Australia.

As Cresciani writes:
"They seemed to detect a new determination to defend their economic interests and political rights and to counter the
threats posed to their religion, language and traditions by a largely hostile social and political environment".

Italian nationalism acted as an element of reaction and defence to the Australian environment. By the early 1930s, even
Italian diplomatic activity in Australia - as a direct expression of the Fascist government - became more incisive and
oriented to make more and more Fascist proselytes among Italians. Migrants were invited to become members of the
fascist political organisations of Australia, to come to fascist meetings and eventually to return to Italy, to consent to
serve in the Italian armed forces, both in view of the Italian war campaign of Ethiopia (1936) and, later, at the outbreak of
World War II.

Italians had arrived in Australia in consistent numbers all through the 1920s and 1930s, regardless of the internal and
external factors affecting either their departure or their stay in Australia. Entry conditions of Italian migrants became
stricter in countries of more popular destinations as the United States, and Italian Fascist authorities tightened the
departure of migrants. At the same time, in Australia, the attitude towards Italians had been hostile to their settlements and
work patterns. In addition, Australia, like the United States and most western countries, was hit by the economic
Depression of 1929, which caused a serious recession during the following years.

Even Australian legislation was changed consequently. Amendments to the Immigration Restriction Act in 1932 were
more drastic and aimed at more effectively controlling the entry of 'white aliens' into Australia. The amendment extended
the landing permit system to all categories of immigrants, while before was applicable only to immigrants with a
maintenance guarantee. The goal was to limit immigrants from competing in the local labour market to the detriment of the
local unemployed. At the same time, the power to apply the dictation test was still available for up to five years to restrict
the landing of an immigrant whose admission was not desired.

The economic depression ignited another social tension which fanned into racial hatred again in 1934. In the gold-mining
city of Kalgoorlie, Western Australia, an Australian who had expressed defamatory remarks about Italians in an Italian-
owned hotel was knocked dead by the barman. This accident sparked the resentment of many Australian miners against
Italians residing in Kalgoorlie, which culminated in two days of riots. A raging crowd of miners devastated and burnt many
shops and private adobes of Italians and other southern Europeans in Boulder and Kalgoorlie and pushed hundreds of
Italian migrants to shelter in the surrounding countryside. Notwithstanding the condemnation of the fact on media, the riots
did not modify the attitude of public opinion toward Italians in general.

In the 1930s, the Australian community maintained a perception of cultural inferiority of Italians that owed much to longer-
term racial conceptions and which were confirmed by the lifestyle of the migrants. As observed by Bertola in his study of
the riots, racism towards Italians lay in “their apparent willingness to be used in efforts to drive down wages and
conditions, and their inability to transcend the boundaries that separated them from the host culture”. Within Australian
society there was an opposition to Italian immigration that stemmed from the fact that Italian migrants were often seen as
"Mediterranean scum", or as a "grave industrial and political danger", as reported by Lampugnani.

This was the umpteenth episode that without doubt pushed the notable number of Italians now working and residing in
Australia to sympathize with Fascism and devote to the narrow circle of the Italian associations and the close relations of
the family. In the late 1930s, a Fascist traveller to Australia so describes the life and work of Italians in the Western
Australian mines:
"E' la dura quotidiana fatica del lavoro e la resistenza alle lotte degli Australiani che essi debbono sostenere per il
prestigio di essere Italiani di Mussolini..[…]..Gli Italiani formarono quel fronte unico di resistenza che va considerato una
delle piu' belle vittorie del fascismo in terra straniera. Altra cosa e' fare gl'Italiani in Italia altra e' all'estero, dove chi ti da'
da mangiare dimentica che tu lavori per lui, e solo per questo crede di essere padrone delle tue braccia e del tuo spirito".
(Italians have to sustain the daily hard work and the resistance to the claims of Australians, in order to bear the prestige
to be Italians of Mussolini. ..[…]..Italians formed that strong front of resistance, which can be considered one of the best
victories of fascism in foreign land. One thing is to form Italians in Italy and another is abroad, where those who feed you
forget that you all work for them, and just for this reason they think to be the owners of your arms and spirits).

Nevertheless, the Australia Census of 1933 claimed that 26,756 (against the 8,000 of 1921) were born in Italy. Since that
year, Italy-born residents in Australia began to represent the first non-English speaking ethnic group of the country,
replacing Germans and Chinese. Notwithstanding, a very high proportion of them (20,064) was male. Many Italian male
migrants, who had in fact left Italy for Australia during the late 1920s and early 1930s, were joined by wives, working-age
sons, daughters, brothers and sisters in the late 1930s. This pattern can be interpreted as a 'defense' from both the
perceived hostile Australia environment and the political turmoil of pre-war Italy.

Until the outbreak of World War II, there was a considerable degree of segregation between Italians and Australians. As an
additional reaction, a large proportion of Italians in Australia tended to defer naturalization (which could be granted after a
period of five years of residence) until they had finally established their homes in Australia. Consequently, it is not
surprising that, with the outbreak of World War II, the Australian opinion of Italian migrants naturally hardened.

The entry of Italy into the war was followed by the large-scale internment of Italians, especially in Queensland, South
Australia and Western Australia. The concern in Queensland was that Italians would somehow join forces with an
invading Japanese force and constitute a fifth column. Between 1940 and 1945, most of those who had not been
naturalised before the war's outbreak were considered "enemy aliens", and therefore either interned or subjected to close
watch, with respect to personal movements and area of employment. There were many cases of Italian-Australians who
had taken out Australian citizenship also being interned. This was particularly the case in northern Queensland.

The After-War Italian Mass Migration in Australia, 1946-1970s
During WWII, more than 18,000 Italian prisoners of war were sent to internment camps throughout Australia. Together with
the interned 'enemy aliens', after 1942 a large number of them were employed in inland farms without much surveillance.
Many prisoners of war and Italian-Australian interned worked hard in farms and cattle stations, thus gaining a favourable
opinion as hard and committed workers by their Australian employers. This circumstance contributed to generate an
environment more agreeable - than that before the war - for the Italian post-war migration to Australia. After World War II,
the attitude of Australians towards Italians gradually began to change, with the increasing appreciation of the value of
Italians in the economic development of Australia. At the same time, the Italian war experience helped to destroy many of
the political and sentimental attachments that Italians had previously felt towards their country. As a consequence, the
end of the war encouraged the naturalisation of many Italian migrants, who had been caught up as enemy aliens at the
outbreak of the world conflict.

At the end of 1947, only 21% of the Italians residing in Australia were not yet naturalized. Many of those becoming
naturalized in the late 1940s did so to allay the suspicion caused by the war. Borrie wrote in his fundamental work on the
assimilation of Italians and Germans in Australia: "Naturalization was the obvious first step towards their rehabilitation.
The war had also broken many of the links with Italy, and in addition it was still difficult to secure a shipping passage to
return there. But while the act of naturalization may have been an irrevocable step which in turn provided an incentive to
become socially and culturally assimilated, field investigations show clearly that Italians retained many traits, particularly
within the circle of the home, which were not 'Australian'. And naturalized or not, they were still not fully accepted by
Australians".

Conversely, after the war experience, the Australian government embarked on the 'Populate or Perish' program, aimed to
increase the population of the country for strategically important economic and military reasons. The immigration debate in
postwar Australia assumed new dimensions as official policy sought a significant increase in the number and the
diversity of immigrants, and to find a place for those coming from a tired and torn Europe. The war had occasioned a shift
in migration patterns, pressing the need to place a large number of people who could not return to their own countries for
a wide range of reasons. This was the case of over ten million people from Central and North-eastern Europe, such as
Poles, Germans, Greeks, Czechs and Slovaks.

An important stage in this immigration program began with the Displaced Persons Scheme in 1947, which attracted over
170,000 displaced persons to Australia. MacDonald writes in this regard:

The reservoir of displaced persons who could be recruited for Australia was practically exhausted by 1950. So Italy was
the only catchment area which offered more eager candidates than Australia was willing to accommodate and who could
then be screened selectively. Italians were still considerably less desirable than Central and Northern Europeans, yet they
were preferred to Cypriots, Greeks, and Maltese not only because there were more Italians to choose from but also
because it was hoped that a large proportion could be drawn from the 'superior' peoples of Northern Italy. So they were
admitted in greater numbers than had previously seemed conceivable, as a 'third-best' type.

Italy's postwar migration certainly grew out of the country's policy of industrial development. Although there had been a
significant industrial growth in Italy before the war, the devastation wrought by the conflict left the structure in ruins. This
factor and the return of Italian soldiers from the war fronts generated a surplus of population which turned to emigration as
an alternative to poverty.

By the early 1950s, Australian authorities negotiated formal migration agreements with the Netherlands (1951), Germany
and Austria (1952). They also introduced a system of personal nominations and guarantees, opened to Italians, in order to
permit families separated by the war to come together again. In addition, the Australian and Italian governments
negotiated a scheme of recruitment and assisted passages, which became fully effective in 1952. As extensively outlined
by MacDonald, the chain migration process, eased by the personal nomination scheme, seemed to be more flexible than
the administrative machinery of the bilateral program. Personal nominees had a guarantee of assistance and contacts at
their arrival in Australia, in order to help migrants to evaluate all employment possibilities.

Since the mid-1950s, the Italian flow of migrants to Australia assumed a sort of mass migration. Either nominated by
relatives in Australia as a major component, or as assisted migrants, a notable number of migrants left Italy for Australia.
Unlike the pre-war movement, most of the migrants of the 1950s and 1960s had planned to settle permanently in Australia.
Within these two decades, the number of Italians who came to the host country was so high, that increased their number
in Australia ten times. Although there are not precise figures, due to the fact that Australian Census refers only to Italian-
born, some scholars have suggested that, with their Australian-born children, the Italian ethnic group in Australia could be
approaching almost 800,000, thus still ranking it as the first non-English speaking ethnic community of Australia.

Between June 1949 and July 2000, Italy was the second most common birthplace for settler arrivals in Australia after
United Kingdom and Ireland.

Geographical Distribution of Italians in Australia

one dot denotes 100 Italy born Sydney residents

one dot denotes 100 Italy born Melbourne residents

Since the late 1960s the Italian migratory flow towards Australia ceased. At present, the Italian Australian community is
numerically stable and well settled. The Australian Census of 1971 indicated over 289,000 people born in Italy, gradually
decreasing to about 254,000 in the 1991 Census. Hence, the progressive ageing process of its population is an indicator
of the lack of turnover with new arrays of migrants from Italy.

Italians still represent almost 5% of the Australian population, more than 10% of the total intake of overseas-born
residents, and some scholars count them as almost 1,000,000 including second and third generation Italians with at least
one Italian parent or grandparent respectively. Notwithstanding, their percentage in the total Australian population is
slowly decreasing due to higher Asian immigration today.

Italy-born migrants are mainly concentrated in urban areas, and within specific suburbs. In his study on ethnic diversity in
Melbourne and Sydney, Hugo outlines patterns by referencing to previous work by Price: "The spatial distribution of ethnic
groups in Sydney and Melbourne is of particular interest because, as Price demonstrates in his classic study of Southern
Europeans in Australia, patterns of settlement are inextricably bound up with a whole range of social and economic
elements that impinge upon the well-being of those groups".

Most of the Italian-born are now concentrated in Melbourne (73,799), Sydney (44,562), Adelaide (20,877) and Perth
(18,815). Unlike other groups, the number of Italians residing in Brisbane is relatively few, with the exception of a notable
distribution of Italians in Northern Queensland, as Hempel has described in her research on post-war settlement of Italian
immigrants in this state. This circumstance is a consequence of the migration patterns followed by Italians in the earlier
stage of their settlement in Queensland, during the 1910s, 1920s and 1930s, when the sugarcane industry and its related
possibility of quick earnings attracted more 'temporary' migrants in the countryside.

Conversely, in Australian cities, the Italian village or the region of origin have been significant in the formation of separate
settlements or neighbourhood groupings of Italians. The way in which a population 'subgroup' is distributed across an
area is of importance because not only can it tell us a great deal about the pattern of life of that group, but it is also crucial
in any planning of service delivering to such a community. The Italian community has very distinctive patterns of
distribution that differentiate it from the total population.

As Burnley reports in his study on Italian absorption in urban Australia, some Italian concentrations in the inner suburbs of
Carlton, the traditional 'Little Italy' of Melbourne, and Leichhardt, its equivalent in Sydney, were made up of several groups
from geographically very circumscribed areas of Italy. Migrants from the Lipari Islands of Sicily, and from a few
communities of the Province of Vicenza have formed the main Italian community core of Leichhardt, as well as Sicilians
from the Province of Ragusa and the Commune of Vizzini have formed a large contingent in Brunswick, a local
government authority of Melbourne now containing over 10,000 Italians.

On a smaller scale, but through similar patterns, other large communities of Italians were formed, since the first notable
arrival of Italians of the 1920s and 1930s, in Adelaide, Perth and in minor cities of Victoria, New South Wales and
Queensland. Most first-generation Italian migrants came to Australia by the nomination of a close relative or a friend, as
forms of chain migration.

With particular reference to Western Australia, as previously stated, Italians began to arrive in more notable number after
the discovery of gold in the Eastern Goldfields, in the early 1890s. The Australian Census of 1911 records the presence of
over 2,000 Italians in Western Australia. Only two years before, the Italian writer Capra had visited the state and reported:
"L'attuale emigrazione italiana in Australia e' poca cosa, e consta quasi esclusivamente di operai per le miniere e pel
taglio della legna nella parte occidentale, e di lavoratori della canna da zucchero nel Queensland". (Present Italian
migration to Australia is negligible, almost exclusively limited to miners and woodcutters in the western state, and
sugarcane cutters in Queensland).

Capra details the professional distribution of Italians. Over two-thirds all Italians were employed either in mines or in the
mine-related woodcutting industry (respectively about 400 and 800), both in the gold districts of Gwalia, Day Down,
Coolgardie and Cue, and the forests of Karrawong and Lakeside. The remaining Italian workers were mainly involved in
farming (250) and fishing (150). This work pattern of Italians in Western Australia did not change much with the more
consistent migration flow of the late 1920s and early 1930s. During these two decades, Italian migrants to Australia
continued to come from the north and central mountain areas of Italy, thus following a pattern of 'temporary' migration that
pushed them to look for jobs with potential quick remuneration, as mining and woodcutting could offer. Changes in such
patterns, together with the Italian mass-migration program of the 1950s and 1960s, have already been examined. Hence,
the different component of regional origin of Italians in Western Australia and, subsequently, since the late 1950s, a more
composite geographical distribution of Italian migrants in both urban and rural areas of the state.

According to the latest Census figures, Italy-born migrants in Western Australia are now over 26,000, with a prevalence of
those settled in the Perth Metropolitan Area, unlike the pre-war spatial distribution.

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CIAO! Hello Dear Friends of ITALY!

Enjoy This Issue of ITALIAN NEWS, Periodical On-Line that Promotes, Supports, Spreads ITALY,
and ITALIAN Language, History, Culture, Tradition, Genealogy, Articles, Products, Services, with Very Useful
Information to Make you MORE and MORE Familiar with Every Aspect of ITALIAN Life Style!

Learn MORE and MORE about ITALY, and ITALIAN Language, History, Culture, Tradition, Genealogy, Articles,
Products, Services, Every Aspect of ITALIAN Life Style, by Collecting All The Issues of ITALIAN NEWS!

All your Comments, Opinions, Suggestions, and Ideas to Improve ITALIAN NEWS are Most Welcome!

Many Thanks! Best Regards!

Your ITALIAN Friends,

Carlo Tognoni, founder, and Davide Tognoni, administrator
THE ITALIAN PROJECT www.theitalianproject.com

ITALIAN LANGUAGE: Lessons of Italian Grammar, Spelling, and Usage: Seasons -
Months - Days of the Week
ITALIAN GENEALOGY: What is, and How to Start Genealogy Research in Italy
ITALIAN REGIONS: Veneto
ITALIAN PROVINCES: Venezia - Belluno - Padova - Rovigo - Treviso - Verona - Vicenza
ITALIAN RECIPES: Ziti with Portobello Mushrooms, Caramelized Onions, and Goat
Cheese - Italian Tuna Sandwiches with Black-Olive Dressing - Strawberry Granita
ITALIAN HISTORY: Italo-Australiani (Italian-Australians)
FAMOUS ITALIANS: Gioacchino Rossini
ITALIAN COMPANIES: Missoni
ITALIAN PRODUCTS: Formaggio Provolone (Provolone Cheese)
ITALIAN LATEST NEWS: Life in Italy

In This Issue:

Issue # 9, September 2008

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Italian Companies

Missoni

Ottavio Missoni

Missoni
Type: Private
Founded: Gallarate, Lombardia (Lombardy), Italy (1953)
Founder: Ottavio and Rosita Missoni
Headquarters: Milano (Milan), Italy
Area Served: Worldwide
Key people: Angela Missoni, Luca Missoni, Vittorio Missoni
Industry: Fashion
Products: Knitwear
Owner: Missoni Family
Official Website: www.missoni.com

Missoni is an Italian fashion house based in Milano (Milan). It is famous for its unique knitwear, made from a variety of
fabrics in colourful patterns. The company was founded by Ottavio ("Tai") and Rosita Missoni in 1953.

History
Tai Missoni was born in 1921 in Dubrovnik, then part of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes and formerly known
as Ragusa. His father was a sea captain and his mother was Teresa de' Vidovich, Countess of Capocesto & Ragosniza.
Before WWII he was an international athlete, but spent most of the war as a POW in Egypt. After the war he set up a
workshop with his friend Giorgio Oberweger, making wool track-suits. His "Venjulia" tracksuits were adopted by the
Italian team at the 1948 Olympics in London, and Tai himself qualified for the final of the 400m hurdle race. At Wembley he
met Rosita Jelmini, daughter of a family of shawl makers in Golasecco in the province of Varese.

They married in April 1953, and set up a small knitwear workshop in Gallarate, not far from Rosita's home village. In 1958
they presented in Milano (Milan) their first collection, called Milano-Simpathy, which was the first to bear the Missoni label.
The business prospered, with the support of legendary editor Anna Piaggi, then at Arianna. On a trip to New York, Rosita
met the French stylist Emmanuelle Kahn in 1965, which led to a collaboration and a radical new collection the following
year. Their fame was assured in April 1967, when they were invited to show at the Pitti Palace in Florence. Rosita told the
models to remove their bras, supposedly because they were the wrong colour and showed through the thin lamé blouses.
The material became transparent under the lights and caused a sensation. The Missonis were not invited back the
following year, but the business went from strength to strength, building a new factory in Sumirago in 1969. With their
designs being championed in the US by Diana Vreeland, editor of Vogue magazine, they opened their first boutique there,
inside Bloomingdales.

The early 1970s saw Missoni reach the peak of their influence in the fashion world. Tai Missoni then became more
interested in other projects, everything from designing costumes for La Scala, to designing carpets and tapestries. Rosita
has admitted that in the 1990s she lost interest in fashion, before handing over to her daughter Angela in 1998. Rosita now
is responsible for overseeing the design of all home projects.

Ottavio Missoni was Sindaco (Mayor) of Libero Comune di Zara in Esilio.

Brands
Aside from the main Missoni line, the company has diversified into a variety of luxury goods. Missoni Sport was initially
licensed out but production and marketing was brought in-house in January 2002 and has since been discontinued. M
Missoni is a less expensive line introduced in 1998, manufactured and distributed by Marzotto (now Valentino Fashion
Group S.p.A). It has achieved remarkable success in being able to reach a larger number of consumers and is now being
sold at premier department and specialty stores across the world.

The Missoni Home collection has its roots in furnishing fabrics produced in 1981 in collaboration with Rosita's family firm.
They launched their first perfume in 1982, although that product has nothing to do with the license now held by Estée
Lauder.

In November 2005, Missoni and the Rezidor Hotel Group signed an agreement to create Hotel Missoni, a lifestyle hotel
chain. The first locations were announced in March 2006 in Kuwait, Edinburgh and Dubai. The first property, the Hotel
Missoni Kuwait will open in a luxury mixed-use development on the seafront in the third quarter of 2008, with Edinburgh
following later in the seconf quarter of 2009. Not much is known about the Dubai property, but it is expected to launch
sometime in 2009 or 2010. Further properties are currently rumored for London (United Kingdom), Paris (France), Miami
(United States of America) and Kiev (Ukraine).

Style
Missoni knitwear is known for its multitude of patterns such as stripes, geometrics, and abstract florals, in a kaleidoscope
of colours. They are also known for the liberal use of many different fabrics such as wool, cotton, linen, rayon and silk.

Family
Ottavio and Rosita MissoniThe three children of the founders play a large part in the business. Vittorio (born 1954) is the
Marketing Director, Luca (born 1956) is responsible for the design of the menswear collection, and Angela (born 1958) is
Creative Director for womenswear.

Luca's daughter, Jennifer Missoni, is an actress who has appeared in Off Broadway theatre productions, and in episodes
of Damages and the Law & Order series. Angela's daughter, Margherita, is also studying in New York to be an actress. She
is the unofficial "muse" of the Missoni collection and the face of their two perfumes.

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Italian Products

Formaggio Provolone (Provolone Cheese)

Provolone
Country of Origin: Italy
Region, Town: Southern Italy
Source of Milk: Cows
Pasteurised: Depends on Variety
Texture: Semi-Hard
Aging Time: at least 4 Months
Certification: Provolone Val Padana:
D.O.: 9 April 1963
PDO: 6 December 1966

Provolone is an Italian cheese that originated in southern Italy, where it is still produced in various shapes as in 10 to 15
cm long pear shapes, sausage shape or cone shape. Provolone is also produced in North America and Japan. The most
important Provolone production region is currently Northern Italy.

The term Provolone (meaning large Provola) appeared around the end of the 19th Century when it started to be
manufactured in the Southern regions of Italy, and this cheese assumed its current large size.

Provolone is today a whole-milk cow cheese with a smooth skin produced mainly in the Po River Valley regions of
Lombardia and Veneto. It is produced in different forms: shaped like large salami up to 30 cm in diameter and 90 cm long;
in a watermelon shape; in a truncated bottle shape; or also in a large pear shape with the characteristic round knob for
hanging. The average weight is 5 kg.

Provolone is a semi-hard cheese with taste varying greatly from Provolone Piccante (piquant), aged minimum 4 months
and with a very sharp taste, to Provolone Dolce (sweet) with a very mild taste. In Provolone Piccante, the distinctive
piquant taste is produced with lipase originating from goat. The Dolce version uses calf's lipase instead.

The Provolone Val Padana has received from the European Community the DOP (Protected Designation of Origin) seal.

In Argentina and Uruguay, small discs of locally-produced "Provolone" of 10 to 15 cm in diameter and 1 to 2 cm in height
are generally consumed before eating grilled meat. The Provolone is either placed directly on the grill, on small stones or
inside a foil plate and cooked until melted. The provoleta is seasoned with "chimichurri", a mixture of oils and spices, and
usually eaten communally.

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Italian Latest News

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